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45. The revolution of Turkey and Kurdistan- under regional revolution conditions- bears development possibilities in the forms of a united revolution of Turkey/Northern Kurdistan, the liberation of Kurdistan on its own and united revolutions of the other three parts of Kurdistan, connected to revolutions of Iran, Syria and Iraq.

The Communist movement struggles by taking account of the whole of these revolutionary development possibilities. It sees this development as part of the Middle East regional revolution.

It works for the establishment of regional democratic or socialist federations in the Middle East, the Balkans and the Caucasus.

A) Turkey/North Kurdistan

46. Turkey, which is a financial-economic colony of imperialism and a multinational country, holding Kurdistan under colonial yoke, is a moderately developed capitalist country, where the capital oligarchy dominates, the conflict of labor-capital has become determinant, the petty commodity economy has been rapidly dissolving even though it is still widespread, the significance of the rural in economic life has decreased, the minimum political, legal, economic and social conditions of gender equality do not occur.

The shape of classes on this economic structure is as follows:

Working Class: The ranks of the working class have become inclusive of the main bodies of service and intellectual laborers and toiling state officers, making the working class, which is gathered in the major industrial cities, in a quantitative way, the majority of the total active population.

The proletariat has the strength and ability to take the political leadership of the revolution, keep the petty bourgeoisie within the alliance led by itself, and move to socialism without interruption.

The working class of Turkey and Northern Kurdistan, which suffers from lack of political freedom and has the task of preparing itself for the establishment of socialism by leading the struggle for democracy together with the economically, politically or socially oppressed class, gender, nationality, national and religious communities, is the main and leading force of the revolution.

Semi-Proletariat: The semi-proletariat, whose main body is constituted by the urban poor and poor peasantry, which is characterized by the fact that they often have to sell their workforce to make a living and has a position between the proletariat and the petty bourgeoisie, holds an important place in Turkey. The semi-proletariat, as in the democratic revolution, is the main and most reliable ally and support of the working class in the uninterrupted transition to socialism.

Petty bourgeoisie: The petty bourgeoisie, which consists of small land and workplace owners, artisans, self-employed, etc., forms the most populous part of the active population after the working class. In the globalization phase of imperialism; under conditions where the centralization and concentration of capital has reached an enormous extent and Turkey has turned into a financial-economic colony and integrated into the world market dominated by world monopolies; dispossession, impoverishment and the dissolving process of the petty bourgeoisie has accelerated. The class interests of the dissolving large portion of this stratum, whose existence possibilities have been increasingly exhausting under capitalist relations of production, coincide with the interests of the working class.

The still existing section of the petty bourgeoisie has a wobbly character due to being both, laborer and property owner. The petty bourgeoisie, which has partially sustained its weight in society despite its constant loss of strength, is under the economic exploitation of the imperialist monopolies and its collaborator, the capital oligarchy, and the political pressure of the fascist dictatorship. Therefore it has a strong revolutionary potential. Despite its constant weakening, the urban and rural petty bourgeoisie, one of the main forces of our revolution, is the strategic ally of the proletariat during the democratic revolution. The proletariat agrees to share the power that will be established in the first step of the revolution with this class. In the process of uninterrupted transition, however, the proletariat follows a policy of neutralizing the petty bourgeoisie and winning it as much as possible.

Middle bourgeoisie: The middle bourgeoisie consists of medium-sized business owners outside the collaborative monopolies in the cities and the rich peasantry in the countryside. Under the conditions of imperialist globalization, this class gradually loses its independent character, enters into the market dominated by the imperialist monopolies and the collaborative capitalist oligarchy by only depending on them, and its share in the surplus value distribution decreases, although it has an important place in the production and realization of the surplus value.

The middle bourgeoisie, which is an exploitative class, is on the one hand dependent on the imperialist monopolies and the capital oligarchy, and cannot survive without them, on the other hand it seeks to stretch this dependence and increase its profit share. For this reason, it wobbles between the imperialist globalist liberalism and the attempt to limit this liberalism. The latter is evolving as a reactionary-fascist political trend, which is also sometimes backed up by the anger of the working classes suffering from attacks of imperialist globalization.

The middle bourgeoisie, which is strongly attached to the existence of monopolies in the cities and has a deep fear of the proletariat and a revolution in the hegemony of it and under its leadership, is a counter-revolutionary class.

In the process of democratic revolution, the proletariat follows a policy of isolating this class as the main mediator social force. It crushes the middle bourgeoisie's sections which is an armed resistance against the revolution and seizes their property.

However, because of the national problem, the middle bourgeoisie in Northern Kurdistan has the potential to play a different role. Tactical alliances are possible with those who support the national struggle.

Collaborative monopolist bourgeoisie: This class, the collaborator of imperialism, is the owner of the order and regime in Turkey. The rural allies of this class are large agricultural capitalists. This class, independently or in partnership with them, constitutes the capital oligarchy together with the international financial, industrial and commercial monopolies which have investments in Turkey.

Our revolution will destroy the fascist dictatorship of this class, which is the center of the counter-revolution, and it will be completely expropriated and oppressed.

47. In Turkey and Northern Kurdistan, the dominance of a fascist regime that keeps the working class, laborers, Kurdish nation, women, national and religious communities within the same political grip, keeping Kurdistan under colonial yoke, various economic and social contradictions and consequences caused by the financial and economic colonial reality necessitate the proletariat to organize democratic revolution with these allies, to train itself for socialism and to prepare the political preconditions of socialism. For this reason, the first step of our revolution is the anti-fascist, anti-imperialist, anti-colonialist, gender emancipatory democratic revolution. The essence of this revolution is the acquisition of political freedom.

48. The proletariat must bring the democratic revolution to victory for the transition to the socialist revolution. Therefore, it constitutes a strategic link with the rural and urban petty bourgeoisie, national and religious communities, the Kurdish nation and the oppressed gender on the basis of its minimum program. It aims at the establishment of the power of Union of Turkey and Northern Kurdistan People's Republics.

49. The economic and social conditions of Turkey and Northern Kurdistan, the quantitative and qualitative level of development of the proletariat, makes it possible for the revolutionary proletariat to quickly switch from democratic revolution to socialist revolution. The proletariat, which is in favor of the uninterrupted revolution, does not stop in the half way, it transforms the democratic revolution into a socialist revolution, depending on the degree of unification with the rural and urban semi-proletarian masses, and on the level of consciousness, organization and preparation.

50. The communist movement considers the struggle for democracy as an extremely important task, but carrying a relative value, and dependent on the aim of socialist revolution. Therefore, it supports Kurdish national, democratic peasant, democratic women and the general democratic popular movements, embraces their demands; but on the other hand, it combines Kurdish workers, agricultural workers and women workers in class organizations apart from the general democratic movement. The revolutionary proletariat subjects reforms to revolution and treats democratic tasks from a socialist perspective. It follows the socialist patriotism in Kurdistan.

51. The democratic revolution, which is the preliminary step of the uninterrupted transition to socialism, also develops as a women revolution, dissolves the legal and institutional structure of the fascist dictatorship which has a completely patriarchal character, solves the problems of gender contradiction within the scope of political freedom, and with the tasks of ensuring equality between the unequal, relates to the oppressed gender and the oppressed gender identities on the basis of positive discrimination in all areas. The woman half of the proletariat, exempted from private ownership relations due to patriarchal privileges, is the most advanced dynamic of the advancement of uninterrupted transition of revolution to socialism. The women revolution is the requirement to secure the ultimate victory of the revolutionary proletariat.

B) Kurdistan Revolution

52. Divided into four parts, the Kurdistan Revolution is also the revolution of Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria. Although the liberation of Kurdistan on its own is possible, the attainment of political freedom in Turkey as well as these three countries, the establishment of people's republics based on the worker-laborer councils is a threshold required for the completion and assurance of the Kurdistan Revolution. It is among the primary tasks of the proletariat to ensure the federative unity of the republics of Turkish, Kurdish, Arab, Persian and other peoples of the region based on councils. The communist movement struggles for the freedom and unity of the four parts of Kurdistan.

53. The Rojava Revolution, which the Kurdish nation carried out against the reactionary Assad regime and Arab colonialism in Rojavayê (Western) Kurdistan, is an extension and acquisition of the Kurdistan Revolution, the regional revolutionary situation and the regional revolution. In Rojava, a popular democratic power has been established, based on the principle of full equality of rights, which guarantees the free and equal living of peoples. The Rojava Revolution is also a women revolution.

a) The communist movement sees defending the Rojava revolution as a direct part of the work of organizing the united revolution of Turkey and Kurdistan, deepening and maturing the revolutionary situation in the region, and for the emancipation of peoples of the region. It works to organize and develop the revolutionary defense of the country.

b) It works to develop the socialist consciousness within the masses and to prepare transition to socialist revolution with the perspective of developing independent class organization by enlightening and uniting workers and semi-proletarians from Kurdish, Arab and other peoples, the rural and urban poor, women and youth, the peoples of Rojava with socialism, and of advancing towards socialism on the path of uninterruptedness of the revolution.

c) For the continuity and the future of the revolution, it works to organize the public administration in the form of the councils and communes of the workers, laborers and the poor, and to establish these boards in an effective and permanent way.

d) To prepare the conditions for the advancement of the revolution to socialism uninterruptedly, it works on the socialization measures to strengthen the economic foundations of popular power.

54. In Başûrê (Southern) Kurdistan, it aims at the liberation and freedom of the Kurdish nation against Iraqi colonialism, imperialist occupation and regional reactionary forces.

It treats all political problems in Başûrê Kurdistan on the basis of the principle of unconditional support of the right of nations to self-determination.

It acts with the perspective of isolating the leadership of the bourgeoisie within the Kurdish national struggle, isolating the Başûrê Kurdistan bourgeoisie which represents the reconciliation and cooperation with imperialism and the colonial powers in the region, and developing the line of struggle based on the Kurdish poor and laborers.

55. It fights with the perspective of the liberation of Rojhilat, which can be realized on its own based on the developments in other parts of Kurdistan, as well as has the possibility of realization intertwined with the struggle of Iranian workers, laborers and women, and of Beluci, Azeri, Arab and other peoples under the pressure of Iranian colonialism.