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MLKP, came to the fore in the riot of people burst out in the Gazi district which is a laboring neighborhood of Istanbul in 1995. Her coming to the fore was primarily based on her preparation level of thought and practice for the riot and on her tendency of spreading the riot all around Istanbul and Turkey. When the fascist regime attacked to the party as a response to her rising in the Gazi uprising, MLKP waged the campaign of struggle against the disappearances under custody. Stopping the fascism's attack of forced disappearances under custody, becoming a symbol of the slogan "Silence faded, as it will be your turn", start of resilient struggle of Saturday Mothers, bringing into the agenda of International Committee of Struggle Against Disappearance Under Custody ( ICAD ) and international conventions were results of this effective campaign.

MLKP, gained her right of existence as a vanguard party with her revolutionary action and political struggle mode. From the Gazi uprising where she challenged to armored vehicles and death, to the campaign she waged against the attack of forced disappearances; she, manifested a new mode in the political struggle. Similar to the cadres' and organizations' actually passing the threshold as "being a member of MLKP", distinctive lines of mode of party in making politics came into being in this early first period.

First of these distinctive lines, without a doubt, is making politics of MLKP always based on the problems, demands and desires of the working class and the oppressed. As the revolutionary critique of a political understanding limited to the calendar days and disabled with introversion and which prioritizes its organizational existence above its aims, the political practice of the party is shaped through developing the concrete politics of each concrete situation. The party, locks herself in to turn every problem of our people into a step of developing the revolutionary political struggle and to create confronting political agendas for laborers and oppressed. At a specific moment, in order to get concrete results, mobilizing the forces around a chosen politic matter, which means focusing the revolutionary energy on specified politic campaigns for some periods, is also one of the characteristic features of political mode of MLKP. She acts with the principle of using all forms of struggle simultaneously and in harmony whether they are legal or illegal, peaceful or violent, armed or unarmed, based on self forces of the vanguard or including the masses. Voluntariness in making politics and perception of the role of vanguard as a catalyst appear in the bright examples of the mode of vanguard intervention. The mode of vanguard intervention based on the party's mobilizing her organized forces in action actually aims at exciting and firing the potential energy of the masses. Alongside with this, MLKP has the viewpoint of working with the masses who do not think like her, as an effective method of revolutionizing them. Unitiveness as a primary quality of the mode of the party in political struggle, finds its correspondence in the tendency of building fronts with all the antifascist and revolutionary forces and with all the combatant segments of the working class and the oppressed.

MLKP put her signature under some effective politic-military actions such as hitting the police station of 100. Yıl with flame thrower in Istanbul-Bağcılar in 1995 and taking the buildings of the fascist state under fire by raiding the district of Istanbul- Sultanbeyli in 1996. She articulated the anti-imperialist anger of the oppressed with the bombings she made against the NATO summit convened in Istanbul in 2004. She tried to create revolutionary hegemony and authority areas especially in the laboring neighborhoods by organizing militia and its action among the laborers, by extending the use of revolutionary violence against fascism.

Organizing illegally and clandestinely, heading to develop the armed revolutionary struggle, MLKP has never hesitated appreciating all the legal opportunities in her agitation, propaganda and organization work at the same time. As she has never given credit to the reformist understanding trapped to the bourgeois legality and parliamentarism, she has also never got caught to the rote of "boycotting the elections" which is a sectarian tactic of Turkish revolutionary movement. The party joined the general and local elections with the purpose of benefiting for propagandizing of revolution and socialism, carried out election campaigns addressing to millions of laborers through independent socialist or democratic alliance candidates, even applied the tactic of benefiting from the bourgeois parliamentary chair with the revolutionary purposes.

MLKP determined her main political line as driven by struggling for the victory of the unified revolution of Turkey and Kurdistan. While the party was organizing in the North part of Kurdistan at first, she was opened to Başûr and Rojava in the years of 2000's. She took place in the clashes of self governance, gave shoulder to the ditch and barricade resistances. MLKP regarded opening a second revolutionary front in the West alongside the already revolutionary front in Kurdistan and unifying these two fronts as the key issue of her revolution strategy. At the same time, she waged a systematic struggle against the chauvinism poisoning Turkish people. She embraced the demand of a just, honorable and democratic peace and contributed to organizing the democratic peace movements among Turkish workers and laborers. She struggled against the handing over of the leader of Kurdish national liberation struggle Abdullah Öcalan to the colonialist fascist Turkish state through an imperialist conspiracy. MLKP evaluated the dialog process developed by Öcalan in the prison of Imrali as a road stead for the national liberation movement and supported it in order both to push the colonialist fascism back and to break the influence of chauvinism among Turkish laborers.

MLKP placed the task of solving the deep contradiction which shows its face in the flowing of communist and worker's movement in different channels in Turkey and Kurdistan into the focus of her revolutionary work. At the end of '95, MLKP Worker's Conference convened. Many works were carried out in factories and trade unions, in laboring neighborhoods and worker's basins through worker's conventions, work place committees and worker's units. May Days were considered as massive and militant struggle days which the party prepared with all of her body. The party performed an effective campaign in the summer of 2003 against the new labor act imposing slavery working conditions to the working class. This campaign called as "March of Flag" traveled a flag written "no to the slavery laws" to it around worker's basins and neighborhoods right after another and made politic mass agitation in every inch of these places. It was the MLKP once again who was the architecture of the basin strikes which the shipyard workers of Istanbul-Tuzla went out in February and June 2008 against the work murders increasing like an avalanche.

KGÖ came to the fore as a vanguard of many mass an militant movement of the high-school and university youth. Higher education youth movement's breaking its shell and taking a new leap in the streets was a direct result of the long termed hunger strike campaign of the communist youth in 1996 maintained insistently and with a vanguard mode against the raises of university tuition fees. Thus, the architectures of the student actions of 4-5 February '96 earned the right to be qualified as "generation of victories". On May 2001, there was again the signature of the communist youth under the action of the thousands of students plowing through the police barricades in Ankara-Kızılay against the higher education law resolution tending to accelerate the neoliberal transformation of universities. Conventions gathered by high-school students and democratic structures which they developed were the works of KGÖ. On the other hand, young communists said no to work murders of the capital, raised the justice scream of Roboskî suffered the massacre of colonialists, built the barricades of Gezi June uprising. Being directly targeted by the fascist mass massacring during the campaign of giving shoulder to the reconstruction of Kobanê on July 20th, 2015 in Suruç did not stop the determination of KGÖ to become the militant struggle force of youth in from university campuses to high-schools and laboring neighborhoods.

MLKP became the organizer of the liberation struggle of worker and domestic laboring women, young women of university and high-school youth, Kurdish women whose language and identity are banned, Alewi women whose religion is chained. Communists left indelible traces in every moment of the women's liberation movement against the exploitation and fascist oppression of the male dominant capitalist order. Communist women spread the democratic organizations genuine to laboring women and organized the laboring women convention. In the year of 2000, they became a barricade against this sexist politic aggression of fascist regime by organizing Convention of No To Sexual Harassment and Rape Under Custody. Afterwards, they took the step of separate democratic organization for women of university and high-school youth through Student Women Convention. They collected millions of signatures in part of the campaign they carried out against the man violence against women in 2011 alongside the widespread politic mass agitation. Communist women made an impact on the detachment of March 8 World Laboring Women's Day from the revolutionary men hegemony in Turkey and Kurdistan and rendering it as a struggle foothold in the color of revolutionary women. As she developed the viewpoint of women's revolution, women from MLKP, finally crossed the threshold of foundation of KKÖ.

Throughout her history, MLKP took part within every kind of democratic mass movement ranging from resistances against the demolition of slums to actions driven by human rights struggle, from international mass movements to the struggles against the imperialist invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq. She toiled for pushing them forward. By saying "art for society, science for humanity, politics for freedom" she developed culture-art works and institutions. The party tended to organize mass movements on every level such as the actions which spread as the most peaceful actions under the name of "One Minute of Darkness for Perpetual Illumination" after the traffic accident in Balıkesir-Susurluk in 1997 exposing the reality of counter-guerrilla state, and the most militant actions in which organized the mass violence most effectively and happened barricade clashes at the NATO summit in Istanbul in the summer of 2004. The party dared to fascism by openly organizing her 10th, 15th, 20th anniversary nights and meeting with thousands of her supporters together in Istanbul.

MLKP took part in the 2013 Gezi June uprising with her clarity of upholding the street actions in the eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth forms. She did not look at the situation from the window of limited forces ready for revolutionary politics, but handled it by looking from the window of realizing the potential opportunities through trusting her self-forces and with her strategic understanding about the development line of revolutionary struggle with jumps. She acted with twofold tactics. One was to strengthen the uprising and politically centralize by basing in Istanbul-Taksim. And the other was to spread the fire of uprising and the practice of holding the squares to every district of Istanbul and all other cities. She did not let herself drag into typical revolutionary sicknesses like approaching the masses peremptorily and arrogantly or behaving with dogmatism looking down on in advance the original slogans and the forms of struggle born in the bosom of the movement. June uprising was also a historical boom from which the MLKP attacked to her own limits, reached to a new level of political and organizational leadership capacity and which the actuality of the revolution embodied the collective consciousness.

What the party perceives from the political mass activity and bonding with masses is not just expanding her political influencing power and organizational extent with simple quantitative increases due to the political and organizational works in routine modes and generally in peaceful forms. It was performing the vanguard mode in eye-for-an-eye struggle of working class and the oppressed against fascism, organizing the revolutionary mass violence and creating the subjective conditions of the leadership of people uprising in any way possible. Only and only by this way, it is possible that communist vanguard can develop and grow by jumps and organize the masses as the political army of the revolution.

MLKP's getting on the stage of struggle, resulted in the birth of a new mode of organizational work as well as the one of making politics.

The party's mode of organizing, above all, found its response in the uncompromising application of the statute as a set of rules rigidly designing the whole organizational life. Both the niggling of the party in the correct organizational mechanism based on collective organs and tending of her to the initiative and responsibility of the cadres found its meaning in the concept of "collectively effective individual".

Collectivism became a characteristic building stone of the MLKP in the mode of realizing herself in the organization life. Since the foundation, the party, as well as carrying out five congresses on illegal basis, convened general and frontal party conferences, women's conferences and youth congresses. Her ideological and political direction was brought into being with a collective mind and collective will. Thanks to this collective mind and will, the MLKP managed to overcome the sicknesses of revolutionary spontaneity, bureaucratic alienation and opportunist working style which she couldn't escape from because of the weakening caused by the loss of leadership quality under the attacks of fascist enemy.

The party did not prioritize herself above her aims. Neither did she consider the model of organization static. The slogan of "for the victory of the revolution, long live the MLKP" was embraced as the expression of the instrumental perception of the party depending on the goal of revolution. Organizational safety was regarded not as protecting the cadres with a right-wing approach, but as a wide mentality of sustaining the organizational work. MLKP was also in search of the most functional forms of the leninist party model embodied under the concrete historical and political conditions. She acted with a clear understanding and gumption on the adaptation of the organization to the changing conditions.

The party structured herself as the total of fronts and organizations with different functions and formed her main administering organs with professional cadres. She was based on the existences which provides the organizational completeness of her professional revolutionary members and local members who are differentiating in functions but completing each other with their works.

The new mode of the party showed itself in her theoretical works too.

Unity Revolution was a mentality revolution at the same time. The birth of MLKP was also a big revolutionary regeneration move tended to overcome the old theoretical mode shaped by the historical conditions of previous decades. It was the start of shifting to a new mode of comprehension and application of Marxism, instead of the theoretical mode which was problematic in being based on the dialectical materialist analysis of the ever-changing concrete reality and which was dogmatic and conservative in replying the new issues of the class struggles. The party has deepened in this theoretical production mode throughout the years. Theoretical analysis power of MLKP, for instance, manifested itself in the analysis of the stage of imperialist globalization of capitalism and its existential crisis. This analysis was emphasized with the changes of the party program as following:

"Today is a time characterized by the total control in production, trade and capital export, of the international monopolies and world monopolies, which are the biggest ones of those, over the integrated world market; a time in which the production process itself has also globalized, which speculative capital has gained a significant position within the total capital movement, which international monopolies and imperialist states enter into a violent competition with each other and struggle for re-division of the world on the basis of this competition, which neocolonialism was transformed into a heavier form of yoke, financial-economic colonialism. Today, with all these distinctive features, world capitalism has reached another stage of imperialism: the stage of imperialist globalization."

And the revolutionary conclusions unique to the stage of imperialist globalization were summarized in the party program as following:

"As well as the revolution can outburst in the weakest link of the imperialist chain; the level of imperialist capitalist system today has created regional revolution opportunities. The same situation matures the objective conditions of each country's revolutions' turning into regional revolutions and tides of world revolution; it strengthens the possibility of triggering revolutions in many countries."

"In the stage of imperialist globalization, the ranks of proletariat has broadened; the material basis of an international identity has become stronger; the difference between the societal positions of manual and mental labor has shrunk; proletariat, the oppressed and the exploited laboring strata of the non-proletariat population have got closer to each other, the possibility of working class' unifying the other oppressed around its own program has grown stronger."