The Revolutionary Aims of the Decisions of the 5th Congress
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Political Developments and the Structure of the Regime


1) The fascist character of the regime has not been changed but its semi-military form does not exist any more. The Kurdish national revolutionary fight, the workers and labourers struggling for political freedoms, the democratic Alewite movement and, on the basis of all these, the politic-islamist movement have pushed the semi-military fascist dictatorship to the crisis of non-management. The capitalist oligarchy interfered with the situation through the program of "change" and tried to overcome the crisis. The AKP (Justice and Development Party) government, which came to scene as a result of all these processes, the support by US and EU to the government, the national democratic movement that regained momentum and gradually heightened since 2004, the growing struggle for political freedoms by the workers and the oppressed; under these conditions there appeared change in the inner structure of the regime.
Starting from the 2007 general elections, the party of generals begun to lose influence and gradually faced disintegration. The capitalist oligarchy and politic-islamist AKP's direct influence developed and gained force. The share of power within the MGK (National Security Council) has changed. At the end, the regime lost its semi-military character. The semi-military fascist dictatorship have taken the form of fascist dictatorship.
All these developments have taken the politic-islamist movement out of being one of the dynamics of the regime crisis. This situation have also conditioned the birth of groups, who are on the tendency to unite their fate with the oppressed, within the politic-islamist forces and Muslim masses -yet they only represent an ideological circle for now-.
Although there have been back-steps on some positions through bourgeois reforms, the fascist central structure of the state apparatus is being strengthened; the police, MIT (National Intelligence Organization), army and judiciary are reorganized on this basis.
2)The AKP has conducted the management of this transition period politically in line with the interests of imperialism and capitalist oligarchy. At a certain point of the process, the AKP has aimed and advanced to become a decisive force in the state power by surmounting the governmental power. This direction has brought AKP and capitalist oligarchy against each other on various axes. This also pushed it to disagreement with F. Gulen community that it once allied with on the grounds for a bloc for power. Then appeared a process of crisis with the creation of new balances of power and alliances. Following the June Uprising, there emerged an internal struggle for power among the sections of ruling classes by using positions in the state through December 17 corruption operations. This situation has turned into a state crisis. The state crisis is still continuing and the division within the state increases the revolutionary opportunities by multiple times.
3)The capitalist oligarchy's program of "change" that has been put into practice by AKP to overcome the regime crisis through bourgeois path have failed. Therefore, the opportunities for turning the regime crisis into a revolutionary crisis accumulated more. In addition to the regime crisis of the near past, all the problems in the history of the republic overwhelmingly piled up. And these put revolutionary solution into forefront as the sole option.
4)The June Uprising is the explosion of all these accumulated contradictions on the grounds of political freedoms and it is the appearance of revolutionary situation developing under the surface.
Separately from the Kurdish revolution, there came out a revolutionary situation also in Turkey. In Turkey, where the ruling classes cannot rule as before and where this concretises itself in the form of a state crisis; where the oppressed does not want to be ruled as before and shows this in the form of great mass struggles on the level of practical refusal actions, a revolutionary situation has arisen. There exist the conditions to turn the revolutionary situation that stood out in June into a revolutionary uprising. The realization of it can be possible with the preparation and interference of the revolutionary party and organizations, and also with the developing consciousness and deepening level of actions on this direction of the masses of people. The main task of the period for all progressive, revolutionary, people's forces and all sections of the oppressed people is to unite under the flag of "political freedom" and stand against fascism.
5) The talks, which begun as a result of the Kurdish national freedom movement imposing itself through actions against the fascist regime and pushing state to step back, represent an achievement for our peoples in terms of where the state had to recognize the national existence of Kurds in the name of Abdullah Ocalan and also stepped back from the policy of denial. The talks and bilateral cease fire process have resulted in a relative retreat of Turkish chauvinism. The ongoing bilateral cease fire is a product of national democratic fight.
Turning these talks into a real negotiation process and also getting results in favour of our peoples depend on the forces that interfere with this process. It stands ahead of our party to involve in this process with the aim of "labourer's solution" on the standpoint of achieving collective Kurdish national rights.
6)The colonialist fascism based on denial has not been given up from its main target of liquidation of Kurdish national freedom movement. During the talks, it has been imposing for the most backward "solution" of the problem by trying to keep it in the frames of "individual cultural rights". Also, as the talks continue on the one hand, it tries to strengthen colonialism through building new military barracks and dams, and to mature the conditions for capitalist oligarchy to set hegemony in Kurdistan on the other.
However, the Kurdish national freedom movement is upholding the collective national democratic rights. "Democratic autonomy", which has been put on the agenda at this time by the Kurdish movement, is a project to clamp down on colonialism. The solution of Kurdish national problem with all of its aspects, that is to say not only the policy of denial but the defeat of colonialism as a whole, can only be possible through a democratic people's revolution and union of soviet republics.