About the DTP deputies in the Turkish parliament and the expectations
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Despite all efforts to hinder them, the Democratic Society ( DTP ), that had joined the elections on July 22 to carry the Kurdish people's will into the Turkish bourgeois parliament, managed to enter parliament with 19 deputies and form a parliamentary group (Together with Akin Birdal from the SDP (Socialist Democracy Party), the DTP group consists of 20 deputies). When the DTP joined the elections with independent candidates to overcome the 10% threshold, that is one of the main obstacles in the electoral system, the bourgeoisie tried everything to prevent their election. By writing the Kurdish electors' names on the election list of other cities far away so that they would not be able to vote; by registering ten thousands soldiers that were positioned in Kurdistan as electors to make them vote; by hindering ten thousands of people in practice to vote such as it happened in Antep; by adding the names of the independent Kurdish candidates to the common electoral list; by making an announcement that the elected independent Kurdish deputies did not manage to achieve enough votes although they had achieved the necessary votes as registered right after the elections and by many other games; the aim was to prevent a reflection of the Kurdish people' s will on parliament during the elections.

When the exploitative fascist dictatorship did not manage to hinder the election of the Kurdish deputies, it forced the DTP to sign the racist oath paper that basically denies the Kurdish nation and the other national minorities. With speculations on the DTP signing the paper or not, there was a tense atmosphere created especially by the media. The DTP deputies, however, did not follow Leyla Zana and Hatip Dicle's line of 1991 when they had rejected the official ideology's extinction and denial policy, but read the oath just like the fascist dictatorship had ordered. What has changed from the break-out of Zana and her comrades in 1991 until now is the PKK 's transition from a petty bourgeois revolutionary line to a petty bourgeois reformist line in 1999.
While the action of Zana and her comrades was the result and part of the conditions when the Serhildan s (Kurdish Intifada) had reached its peak and the Kurdish national revolution had reached the level of a national revolution, the oath ceremony of today is the result of the rejection of the nations' right of self-determination and the program for an independent Kurdistan. This reconciliation line went so far that during the oath ceremony the DTP leaders even shook hands with the fascist MHP deputies. Nevertheless, the MHP is a party that attacks, lynches and kills the Kurdish people, revolutionaries and progressive forces wherever and whenever possible. At the election rallies, the MHP walked around with ropes and continually demands the execution of Abdullah Ocalan. Such a meeting of the deputies of a racist and fascist party and of the representatives of the Kurdish people can't even be accepted within the reconciliation line. This is an approach that is far far away from representing the interests of the Kurdish people and the democratic demands.
The reconciliation line followed by the DTP before and after the elections and, as a result of this, the handshake, are doubtlessly the result of the DTP`s tendency for a national reformist and bourgeois solution. This attitude will not lead to anything else than the legitimisation of fascism.
The DTP's line of considering parliament as the most important, its attitude to exclude an important group pf revolutionaries and progressive forces in terms of its alliance policy, and its focus on some personalities as candidates that would be also accepted by the Turkish bourgeoisie lead to the fact that the DTP achieved less votes than expected. The DTP had lost quite a large number of votes in comparison to the former elections and published a statement after the elections in which the party stated its unsuccessfulness in the elections and made self-criticism. However, its self-criticism was not based on its failure of representing the longing of the Kurdish nation and defending its demands in a military way, but on the inability to satisfy the needs of those groups who asked the DTP to stop the "terror". Real self-criticism would have been the stance showing that they have understood that the bourgeois parliament is nothing else than a means to mention the problems of the Kurdish nation, the workers and labourers; that the bourgeois parliament will not bring freedom and equality to the Kurdish nation, the workers and oppressed and that the victory of the struggle will be achieved on the streets and in the mountains.

From the political point of view, it is crucial that the DTP deputies entered parliament. It were the oppressed Kurdish people, the workers and labourers that elected these deputies into the Turkish parliament. Therefore, it is expected that the DTP deputies to defend the interests of the Kurdish people as well as of the workers and labourers in the bourgeois parliament. They must act in terms of the needs of being the spokesmen of the oppressed Kurdish nation, the workers and labourers. They must also defend the social and political demands of the Turkish people and discuss them in parliament. Only in this way will they fulfil their role to break the influence of racism and chauvinism on the Turkish workers and labourers and to strengthen the fraternity of the people.

 

 

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About the DTP deputies in the Turkish parliament and the expectations
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Despite all efforts to hinder them, the Democratic Society ( DTP ), that had joined the elections on July 22 to carry the Kurdish people's will into the Turkish bourgeois parliament, managed to enter parliament with 19 deputies and form a parliamentary group (Together with Akin Birdal from the SDP (Socialist Democracy Party), the DTP group consists of 20 deputies). When the DTP joined the elections with independent candidates to overcome the 10% threshold, that is one of the main obstacles in the electoral system, the bourgeoisie tried everything to prevent their election. By writing the Kurdish electors' names on the election list of other cities far away so that they would not be able to vote; by registering ten thousands soldiers that were positioned in Kurdistan as electors to make them vote; by hindering ten thousands of people in practice to vote such as it happened in Antep; by adding the names of the independent Kurdish candidates to the common electoral list; by making an announcement that the elected independent Kurdish deputies did not manage to achieve enough votes although they had achieved the necessary votes as registered right after the elections and by many other games; the aim was to prevent a reflection of the Kurdish people' s will on parliament during the elections.

When the exploitative fascist dictatorship did not manage to hinder the election of the Kurdish deputies, it forced the DTP to sign the racist oath paper that basically denies the Kurdish nation and the other national minorities. With speculations on the DTP signing the paper or not, there was a tense atmosphere created especially by the media. The DTP deputies, however, did not follow Leyla Zana and Hatip Dicle's line of 1991 when they had rejected the official ideology's extinction and denial policy, but read the oath just like the fascist dictatorship had ordered. What has changed from the break-out of Zana and her comrades in 1991 until now is the PKK 's transition from a petty bourgeois revolutionary line to a petty bourgeois reformist line in 1999.
While the action of Zana and her comrades was the result and part of the conditions when the Serhildan s (Kurdish Intifada) had reached its peak and the Kurdish national revolution had reached the level of a national revolution, the oath ceremony of today is the result of the rejection of the nations' right of self-determination and the program for an independent Kurdistan. This reconciliation line went so far that during the oath ceremony the DTP leaders even shook hands with the fascist MHP deputies. Nevertheless, the MHP is a party that attacks, lynches and kills the Kurdish people, revolutionaries and progressive forces wherever and whenever possible. At the election rallies, the MHP walked around with ropes and continually demands the execution of Abdullah Ocalan. Such a meeting of the deputies of a racist and fascist party and of the representatives of the Kurdish people can't even be accepted within the reconciliation line. This is an approach that is far far away from representing the interests of the Kurdish people and the democratic demands.
The reconciliation line followed by the DTP before and after the elections and, as a result of this, the handshake, are doubtlessly the result of the DTP`s tendency for a national reformist and bourgeois solution. This attitude will not lead to anything else than the legitimisation of fascism.
The DTP's line of considering parliament as the most important, its attitude to exclude an important group pf revolutionaries and progressive forces in terms of its alliance policy, and its focus on some personalities as candidates that would be also accepted by the Turkish bourgeoisie lead to the fact that the DTP achieved less votes than expected. The DTP had lost quite a large number of votes in comparison to the former elections and published a statement after the elections in which the party stated its unsuccessfulness in the elections and made self-criticism. However, its self-criticism was not based on its failure of representing the longing of the Kurdish nation and defending its demands in a military way, but on the inability to satisfy the needs of those groups who asked the DTP to stop the "terror". Real self-criticism would have been the stance showing that they have understood that the bourgeois parliament is nothing else than a means to mention the problems of the Kurdish nation, the workers and labourers; that the bourgeois parliament will not bring freedom and equality to the Kurdish nation, the workers and oppressed and that the victory of the struggle will be achieved on the streets and in the mountains.

From the political point of view, it is crucial that the DTP deputies entered parliament. It were the oppressed Kurdish people, the workers and labourers that elected these deputies into the Turkish parliament. Therefore, it is expected that the DTP deputies to defend the interests of the Kurdish people as well as of the workers and labourers in the bourgeois parliament. They must act in terms of the needs of being the spokesmen of the oppressed Kurdish nation, the workers and labourers. They must also defend the social and political demands of the Turkish people and discuss them in parliament. Only in this way will they fulfil their role to break the influence of racism and chauvinism on the Turkish workers and labourers and to strengthen the fraternity of the people.